The overall Digital Girls program is internationally-focused and funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. We examine the knowledge of digital technology that Canadian, British, and South African pre-teen and teenage girls are acquiring through computer play on and off the Internet. We consider – and contest – the “digital gender divide” that is said to exist and examine girls’ voluntary engagement with technology. We are interested in mapping out the emergence of a particular digital literacy that includes technical knowledge, social uses of technology, and moral and ethical decision-making. For more information about the Digital Girls program, please see the Overview of the Digital Girls Program.
A number of projects are being conducted within the overall Digital Girls program. Please see below for more information on these. More project descriptions will be coming soon.
GIRLS, DIGITAL TECHNOLOGY AND POPULAR CULTURE: FROM PLAY TO POLICY
INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVES
It is almost a commonplace of media/ technology research that there appears to be a “digital divide” between girls and boys concerning their engagement with computers, the Internet, and technological games (Turkle,1995). It may not be so much a matter of who uses the computer as how it is used (Cassell 1998; Jenkins,1992; Luke, 2000; Orleans and Laney, 2000). While teachers can try to have impact on in-school use, the fact remains that children and youth have a growing “digital” life outside of school, one that teachers need to know more about. A concomitant concern is that digital play and leisure activities may or may not directly relate to the development of skills that are valued in today’s society. For example, playing certain video games may prepare boys for future careers as pilots, engineers, computer programmers and so on. Conversely, girls’ computer play, on and off the Internet, is often seen as reproducing established gender stereotypes of fashion doll play, shopping, chatting and providing girls with knowledge of no apparent value (this has been contested by scholars such Bryson & de Castell, 1995). One might also wonder how differences in digital socialization affect future patterns, expectations, and abilities in adulthood—from work to consumerism to parenting to health and physical fitness to how personal and cultural identities develop. An additional concern is that net pornography and cyber-stalking in chat rooms have increasingly rendered the Internet a potentially unsafe-space for girls, at least in the public’s mind. Consider, for example, the moral panic in the UK in August, 2002 when it was discovered that two missing ten-year old girls who were found dead had apparently been using a chat room just hours before they disappeared. Another example is the recent media attention to pro-anorexic websites where it is feared girls are being encouraged to starve themselves. Media hype aside, the research community and educational policy makers have not paid enough attention to studying how girls actually use the Internet in their free time. This proposal brings needed attention to new technology as a pervasive aspect of girls’ lives and focuses on the spontaneous or voluntary digital behaviours of Canadian and British girls who are between the ages of 9 and 14, an age range which will allow us to look at the developmental spectrum from “tweens” through to early adolescence. The implications for social and educational policy and curriculum will be far reaching.
This programme of research will investigate:
#Girls’ computer use and “techno play”, both on and off the Internet and world wide web, and the ways in which girls are consumers and inventors in their use of software and operating systems.
#Ethical issues regarding creative uses of the Internet: How do girls exist as poachers or legal users of images? How do girls enter computer systems (as hackers or as legal users)?
#Methodologies: What innovative and ethcial cyber-based approaches to research can best access the complexity and social meanings of the experience of using technology?
#Sexuality, bodies and identity in cyberspace: What are the ways that social and cultural identities such as ethnicity, race, class, sexuality need to be factored into an understanding of girls’ use of technology? Are there interesting patterns or differences between two cities (Montreal, London)?
#Policy issues on safety on the Internet: How can girls themselves participate in the policy-making process and how can their contributions influence public policy?
#Digital literacy and education: How can research on girls and technology be situated within the broader range of research on girls’ culture and teaching methods and curricula in schools?
CONTEXTCentral to our interest in girls’ digital play is the emerging body of literature on Girlhood Studies. For more than a decade, this work has been particularly attentive to the ways in which girls’ “free time” and private space literacy-use has been central to social and public constructions of identity, body, and sexuality. This has resulted in work relevant to this proposal on girls and women’s magazines, the romance novel, soap operas, and series fiction(Christian-Smith 1993, 1990; Currie, 1999; Gilbert & Taylor, 1991; Inness, 1998; Mazzarella & Pecora, 1999; McRobbie,1991; & Walkerdine, 1997, 1990).
This scholarship is complemented by an emerging body of literature on girlhood within a human rights framework, represented, for the most part, in the body of ‘grey literature’ (donor reports, government reports) produced by the UN agencies, FAWE, & CIDA. Within this work, there is an increasing attention to looking at ways of ensuring the participation of girls in policy-making related to their own lives. The recent Girls Education Movement (GEM) initiated by UNICEF, for example, places youth participation at the centre of the policy-making process. The place of technology within this work is key.
THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVESWe focus on the non-school use of digital technology for a variety of reasons, not the least of which relates to a shift to modes of learning outside formal learning settings, something that Tobin (1998) observes of teen boys’ home computer use (127). A complementary shift in what constitutes “play” is described by Luke (2000) as a “whole new cultural realm of play and sociality which go beyond the phenomenal world of place and the linearity of analogue time” (80). We view this play as a mode of learning, and note that the links between technology, popular culture, and play in a private or domestic space appear most obviously during early adolescence. This is the age group when many girls begin to engage in earnest with popular culture media—watching videos, listening to music, reading magazines and romance fiction (Christian-Smith,1990; Tapscott, 1998). Girls are often doing a number of popular culture/ media activities at once; for example, engaging in apparently “redundant” activities such as logging on to a game show’s web-site and playing along while watching the show. Or they may simultaneously engage in disconnected activities, such as playing a computer game while also talking on the telephone or watching music videos on television. Instead of viewing their behaviour as cognitive dissonance, it appears more likely that they are simply enacting their own version of “convergence”—integrating functions even before new technology has brought these different media together digitally.
Our theoretical analysis will also relate to the work on human development where psychologists and literary scholars have identified the pre-teen and early teen age years as a time of positive character and identity development for girls (see for example, Christian-Smith, 1990; Cherland,1994; Gilligan 1992, 1993; Hancock, 1989; hooks, 1996; Reynolds, 1990). Too often, this developmental perspective is missing in scholarship on technology and popular culture in relation to girlhood.
Categories developed by Sefton-Green & Buckingham (1998) are useful for mapping out techno play off the web: 1) use or consumption, such as playing with computer games 2) web-based toys (pets, dolls) 3) digital accessories (eg. cameras and DVD players) 3) creative consumption—the taking of existing commodities and reassembling them to create new meanings, and 4) creative uses—art forms such as graphics, photography, animation, music, fiction and creative non-fiction such as autobiographies, and diaries. Like Bryson and de Castell (1995), we consider this type of creation “production.” To these off-line uses, we can add Internet-based engagement to include activities such as surfing the web, game playing, communicating, looking at consumer products and actual shopping, virtual doll-play, web-page construction, and narrow casting or transmitting, one’s creative products online.
Through their location and choice of activities, girls are engaging in a virtual domestic culture that feminist cultural studies critics such as McRobbie and Garber (1991), and Griffiths (1995) call “bedroom culture” and consider to be a characteristic of younger teen and pre-teen girls who stay home as opposed to “going out.” As Dwyer (1998), points out, this staying home is not just a feature of age but is also inflected by culture, something she found, for example, in her work with adolescent Muslim girls in London. While the activities that scholars typically explore have included girls looking at magazines and catalogues, talking on the telephone, playing games, collecting and playing with dolls, and so on, we are interested in studying how girls within the multicultural contexts of Montreal, Canada and London, England engage in the digital counterparts of these activities.
Our work is also informed by researchers who have been probing such issues as the assumptions around the gender divide (Abbott 1998; Cassell 1998; Gilmour1999; Jenkins 1992, 1998b; Rothchild 2000; Turkle 1988, 1995), children and computer games (Friedman, 2000; Kinder 1991; Macnamee, 1998; Nixon, 1998; Orr Vered, 1998), and girls and computer game play (Gilmour, 1999; Gorriz and Medina, 2000). Drawing on our previous work on popular culture (e. g. Mitchell and Reid-Walsh, 2002, Weber and Mitchell, 1995, 1996), we are particularly interested in how a study of girls’ everyday informal uses of the Internet might serve to provide a way to understand how the private space of web-use feeds into an analysis of the Internet as a public space. Using participatory approaches, we would like to highlight the idea that children’s and youth’s voices – and here specifically girls’ voices – need to be recognized within a policy-making framework in relation to their own bodies and sexuality. This is a feature of the emerging work on children’s media rights as it is being explored in the UK, notably by one of our team members, David Buckingham. How can we situate this policy work on children and technology within a Canadian context?
In Canada, women and technology is a burgeoning topic, as we see, for example, in the work of Shade (1996, 1997), Crow & Langford (forthcoming), and Ellen Balka (1996a, 1996b). This research on women begins to rectify the gender imbalance in studying technology. The work of Bryson and de Castell within the context of their “gentech”project on women and girls (2000) and girls and computer games (1998) is most notable and particularly relevant to the proposed study, along with the recent work involving children and gaming by Kline (2000a; 2000b), and ethnographic domestic uses of technology by boys and girls by Shade (2002-2005).
RELATION TO ONGOING RESEARCH#Adapting existing ethnographic tools to the web, for example, conducting virtual interviews through web-based forms;
#Developing research methods that draw upon the special features of the web. For example, in terms of information gathering, one source of information about how girls view a website would be their comments in a “guest book.” How can these comments be analyzed ethically?
#In terms of analysis, exploring how to approach and critique products such as websites. Since they often include multi-media, simply analyzing the text and/or images is not enough.
#Developing an interactive girl-centred website, both as a tool for the research and as a product of the study.
We have organized the program into four complementary studies. Each study will be headed by one member of the team, although all team members will have involvement in each study. Our web “expert” and collaborator, Michael Walsh, will be involved in the studies that most call on his expertise. Each study will also involve at least one graduate student acting as Research Assistant (RA). The first three studies are highly related, nesting into each other neatly. These studies will access and research girls’ experiences in a variety of ways: the use of logs, net-based interviews, face-to-face group interviews (focus groups), cyber workshops, and participatory creation and involvement with a website.
Studies Include:
Being Cybergirls: Everyday experiences with technology
| top |
Comment
commenting closed for this article